In February 1994, 15-year-old "Sarah"1 visited abortionist Moshe Hachamovitch's "A to Z Women's Services" clinic in Houston, Texas.2 Without her parents' consent or notice, Hachamovitch performed an abortion on Sarah, tearing the right side of her cervix. Unaware of this complication, Sarah suffered blood poisoning, fever, chills, abdominal pain, and nausea for four days before finally being admitted to a hospital. When hospital personnel discovered the tear and a post-abortion infection, they placed Sarah in the intensive care unit, but the infection was far too advanced and Sarah died on March 2, 1994. Hospital physicians reported that had Sarah received prompt medical care, she would still be alive today.
Sadly, Sarah's story is not unique. Minors are at risk in every state in which parental involvement laws have not been enacted.
In 1992, a plurality of the United States Supreme Court (USSC) ruled that a state may constitutionally require a minor seeking an abortion to obtain the consent of a parent or guardian.3 Specifically, the USSC held that certain provisions, such as a required reflection period and a chance for parents to privately discuss with their daughters the values and moral principles in the situation, carry particular force with respect to minors.4 Based upon the Court's decision and subsequent lower federal court decisions, a parental notification law is constitutional and does not place an undue burden on minors if it contains the following provisions:
The purpose behind parental involvement laws is clear. Immature minors often lack the ability to make fully informed choices that take into account both immediate and long-range consequences. Yet the medical, emotional, and psychological consequences of abortion are often serious and can be lasting, particularly when the patient is immature. Moreover, parents usually possess information essential to a physician's exercise of his or her best medical judgment concerning the minor. Parents who are aware that their minor has had an abortion may better ensure the best post-abortion medical attention. As such, parental consultation is usually desirable and in the best interest of the minor. For these reasons, parental involvement laws protect the health and welfare of minors, as well as foster family unity and protect the constitutional rights of parents to rear their children.
An estimated 12 percent of teens do not even live with their parents. Notifying the parents of these teens will be impossible and totally unrelated to the teen's health.
Parental involvement legislation recognizes that many family situations are less than ideal. In most states, alternative procedures are available through judicial bypass, and some states allow notification or consent of another family member.
Mandatory parental involvement and notification laws will force many teens to go out of state to obtain an abortion.
As more states enact and enforce parental involvement laws, the option to go out of state will cease to exist, and parental rights and minors' health protection will continue to expand. Migration to other states is a reason to pass parental involvement laws, not to avoid them.
Parental involvement laws simply delay teens from getting abortions until the second trimester, when abortion is more dangerous.
This myth is directly contrary to data from both Minnesota and Missouri.8
Thirty-six state parental involvement laws are currently in effect:
At least 31 parental involvement measures were considered in 20 states:
Won't parental involvement laws force many teens to obtain dangerous illegal abortions?
No. Thirty-five states have working parental involvement laws. Only one case -- that of Becky Bell in Indiana -- has been suggested to involve an unsafe abortion, and even that case is wholly undocumented. The autopsy report failed to show any induced abortion. It is terrible public policy to fail to enact a law on the basis of an isolated, unproven case.
Won't parental involvement laws expose teens to the anger of abusive parents?
No. Under the parental involvement laws in most states, a teen who states that she has been abused or neglected will be exempted from the laws' requirements. In addition, the laws make it more likely that a minor who is being abused or neglected will get the help she needs; under most state laws, doctors who become aware of abuse claims must report the abuse allegation to public officials who conduct an anonymous investigation. Such teens also have the option of utilizing the judicial bypass.
Aren't most teens mature enough to make their own decisions?
Young teens often have difficulty assessing long-term consequences and generally have narrow and egocentric views of their problems.14 Parental involvement is needed to give teenagers some perspective. Moreover, the question is not simply of maturity, but of responsibility. As long as a teenager is not emancipated, a parent is responsible for her medical care and upbringing. When a teen in injured by an abortion, it is the parent -- not the teen -- who is responsible for the teen's care and health costs.
1 The true identity of the minor is concealed in court records.
2 See, e.g., Steckner et al., Clinic Head Faces Complaints, Arizona Republic, July 15, 1998, for facts related to this story.
3 Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 899 (1992).
4 Id.
5 See generally Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (affirming States' interests in the protection of minors and upholding Pennsylvania's parental consent law).
6 James Rogers et al., Impact of the Minnesota Parental Notification Law on Abortion and Birth, 81 Am. J.Pub. Health 294 (1991). During the four and one-half years that the Minnesota parental notice law was in effect and enforced, teen abortion and pregnancy rates dropped substantially and the teen birth rate continued to decline. Id.
7 According to a Harte-Hanks Inc. survey conducted by the University of Texas in April 1995, 73 percent of Texans favored the passage of parental notification legislation. In addition, 79 percent of Republicans, 70 percent of Democrats, and 68 percent of Independents supported parental notice. In fact, 62 percent of liberals polled in Texas answered that they supported a parental notification law. Similar findings have been revealed by polls in Iowa and Colorado.
8 Rogers, supra, at 196; Jacot et al., A Five-Year Experience with Second-Trimester Induced Abortions: No Increases in Complication Rate as Compared to the First Trimester, 168[2] Am. J. Obstet. Gynecol. 633 (Feb. 1993).
9 For example, in one county in Minnesota, only four percent of minors who used the judicial bypass in a 16-month period feared physical abuse, and only 5 percent expressed fear that their parents would prevent their abortions. Brief of Cross-Petitioners at 9-10, nn.5, 7, Minn. v. Hodgson, 497 U.S. 417 (1990). The most common objection minors had to informing their parents was "not wanting to ruin a good relationship." Id.
10 Catherine Barnard, The Long-Term Psychological Effects of Abortion (Inst. for Abortion Recovery & Research 1990) (finding that no less than 19 percent of women suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) after having an abortion).
11 Franz, Differential Impact of Abortion on Adolescents and Adults, Adolescence, 27(105):161-72 (1992); Campbell, Abortion in Adolescence, Adolescence, 23:813-24 (1988).
12 Daling et al., J. Nat'l Cancer Inst., 86:505-14 (1994). Daling, an abortion supporter, found that teenagers with a family history of breast cancer who obtained an abortion before the age of 18 had an incalculably high risk of developing breast cancer. Id. Every single female under the age of 18 in the study who obtained an abortion and had a family history of breast cancer developed breast cancer by the age of 45. Id.
13 See Rogers, supra, at 294. During 1981 to 1986 when the Minnesota parental notification law was in effect, the pregnancy rate, the abortion rate, and the birth rate for teens fell dramatically. Id.
14 See generally J. Piaget & B. Inhelder, The Psychology of the Child (1969).